Sunday, February 28, 2010

Forget PERKASA, here's a New National Agenda: No Malaysian Left Behind

Forget PERKASA, here's a New National Agenda: No Malaysian Left Behind


Monday, 01 March 2010 admin-s




Our economic measurement tool is faulty. We continue to bury human beings under numbers. We still talk about an economic pie as if it is a constant.

A REPUBLIC OF VIRTUE

Azly Rahman
on facebook: http://www.facebook.com/people/Azly-Rahman/689079971
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We ought to abandon the metaphor of the pie that is increasingly becoming synonymous with the race to meet the gains of material standards at the expense of the real issue - distributive and regulative justice. We ought to adopt a new form of justice that cuts across racial lines and one that looks at the poor in their eyes and into their souls.

That form of justice will meet our nation’s physical, emotional, and metaphysical needs.
The new issue facing us is one that is class-based. We can no longer use race and its sentimentality as a perspective to analyze what is gravely wrong with the developmental project we are pursuing.

Class Matters
We have subdivided ourselves into classes of the rich and poor from all the major races and the classes of those who own the material and cultural capital. Our pattern of consumption, our daily grind, the kind of car we drive, the school our children go to, and how widely traveled we are reflect the class we are in.

But our politics is renewed every now and then to restate the commitment to “correct the imbalances” using econometrics, without engaging in a sustained deep inquiry into the harder reality of living.

We are engaging in another exercise in the renewal of political-economic spirit that wishes to see the creation of more and more multi-million perhaps multi-billionaire Malays, Chinese, Indians, and other pribumis, but fail to inquire into the impact of such continuing policies that will further divide us into classes. No longer have arguments on racial imbalances, to me seemed to be attractive. Classes create antagonisms.

From time to time, revelation of the issues of the distribution of wealth reflects how much public interest is intertwined with personal greed. It reflects how much those in power invoke the mantras of “economic progress for this or that race” yet create a system that benefits this and that person/s. This is the game of equity we play. Our voters are either ignorant of the nature of interlocking directorateship in politics, or are too comfortable playing this game of patronage politics.

We somehow are not getting the clearest picture of what more than 30 years of “growth by equity” policy has taken shape; who benefits? how are the benefits distributed? and why have the benefits of growth not trickle down as it theoretically should?


The Price of our Economic Development

We are not made to read much of the human cost of development − of those marginalized and lost in the numbers game of the economic policy we design. We are startled by the nature of by-products of developments such as these:

The growing poverty (urban and rural) amongst not only the Malays but also the Indians especially, as well as the Chinese and other races. We are going to see a growing number of poverty amongst the immigrants that are helping to build our economy.

An increasing percentage of drug addiction amongst the Malays especially − those who are marginalized by an uncaring, uncreative, and uninspiring educational system that measures people by numbers and by truncated notion of achievement alone − and I am sure of other races in general.

An increasing number of AIDS victims as a possible result of the nature of economic developmental paradigm we construct and the nature of schooling system we build that promotes a few but marginalize and alienate many.
A growing population of our youth disenchanted in our school systems as a result of the slow-paced growth of teaching skills acquisition of our teachers; skills that are needed in making the school a very happy place, and a place wherein children do not get bored and translate their boredom into drug addiction or gangsterism.

A growing breed of our elected representative that cannot articulate logical analysis, prognosis, diagnosis to issues of distributive and regulative justice, but instead choose to continue to verbally clobber each other based on race sentiments.

A clear continuation of the political paradigm our politicians are engaged in − that one needs lots of money to keep one’s constituency happy and even worse, to keep one’s political position stronger.

A clear picture of how our society has now developed − the dangerous growth of classes of multicultural rich and the multicultural poor and the relegation of the multicultural middle class into a new class of “urban poor” whose life is tied to an increasingly dangerous pattern of hypermodern consumption.

A picture of the breaking down of families as a result of the changing patterns of our economy after the implementation of The New Economic Policy. There is so much drive in human beings to earn more and more to make the first million Ringgit so that they will “be a par with the other races”. This has resulted in a dangerous form of psychological breakdown as a consequence of the mental breakdown of modern life. The work ethics imposed on Malaysians by global companies especially profit-driven ones from the advanced nations have impacted the way we look at work, juggle family life, pursue leisure and pleasure, and the way we create or break families.

A dangerous trend of a breakdown of race relations reflected in the nature and style of arguments we engage in be they in Parliament or in our public schools. This is a continuing pattern of mistrust of the other race based on the struggle to outwit and out-greed each other in our pursuit of material wealth.

A continuation of the grooming of political-economic dynasties that is based on the struggle to protect family interests as well as to create more and more wealth so that money can further sustain power. The idealism and ethics of the early years of Independence are now in the dustbin of history − we are now watching a saga of what looked like a war between the Jacobins and the Girondins of The French Revolution. Only that this revolution is played silently, not for the future well-being of peoples of all races, but for the purpose of empire-building.


A New Malaysia needs that 1970s vision

There are possible inroads to the long-term economic solutions we can undertake in order to rekindle the spirit of “restructuring society and eliminating poverty”. The current one we are pursuing is creating the opposite effect.

The current path is creating classes of the extremely wealthy few and a growing population of poor. We need to go back to studying human nature and what kind of society we wish to recreate.

I suggest we do embark upon the following tasks; that we

-understand the theory of justice based on principles of social liberalism.

-develop social humanistic Malaysians, not ones that are trapped in race-based rhetoric wrong diagnosis, and ultimately in the construction of policies that renew communalism.

-understand the real issues being class; no longer race. This can be a better perspective of looking at the issue of ownership and control of the New Economic Policy.

-develop in our citizens the critical sense of judgment in all aspects of thinking about society; is this about race or is this about the race of a few to acquire more wealth by the metaphorical year of 2020?

-work together with each other to construct a new system based on looking at the true value of human beings; one that does not correspond to numbers alone.

As a nation, we have worked hard.

Malays, like the Chinese, Indians and the new immigrants have always been hardworking.

In the case of the Malays, we hear constant backlashing from inner and outer circles − that they do not have much intellectual prowess, not enough survival skills for a globalizing world, not enterprising enough to compete with other races, not much merit in their academic achievement, and not hardworking enough to meet the demands of a post-industrial age. That the Malay are this and that − without realizing that it is the labor of the Malays and (the other races) that build Malaysia into what it is now − the Putra World Trade Center, The PLUS (Highway System), The Penang Bridge, The Putrajaya, The Proton Industry, and The Petronas Twin Towers.

All these criticisms come from those who own the means to criticize the Malays and to loudly broadcast their backlash, making them feel good and feel like champions. These truncated judgment appear in political conferences as well as in meetings of kampong politician, and in Parliaments and in our public educational institutions. The demented discourse on the Malays sadly get used and abused by others wishing to advance their ethnocentric views.

The backlashing come from our leaders − those who still think that the pie is a constant. These are the leaders voted into power, made sure that they stay in power indefinitely, and use the power to plunder the wealth of the nation secretly or openly.

These are also the leaders that do not yet have the intellectual prowess to deal with the complex nature of shifting economic paradigms. We need to read people like John Rawls, Immanual Kant, John Stuart Mill, and Karl Marx to get a better grasp of economics. We need to start reading the work of contemporary radical economists. We need a brand new economic thinking.

But more Malays now know what is rhetoric and what is reality. They now know who to trust.They need not be represented by any racist NGOs or political parties. They need to represent themselves with a pioneering and frontiering spirit.

Let the economic pie be made by all and enjoyed by all.

As the Malay would say “..biar adil lagi saksama .. untuk kesejahteraan anak semua bangsa”.



Chilean earthquake



Tuesday, February 23, 2010

The weakness of Perkasa

The weakness of Perkasa
Azly Rahman



I have been following with interest, yet again, with the development of a new Malay-centric interest group called Perkasa.

Is its creation a necessity in an age where in the emerging force of change is multiculturalism and the rise of neo-Malays with cosmopolitan and cosmotheandric perspectives ready to abandon ultra-Malayness?

The weakness of Perkasa lies in the gradual boredom-ness of its existence, in face of the excitement of radical marhaenism.

Ho hum. That is what all these newer developments in Malay-consciousness is about, as if we have not heard enough calls to protect the rights of the Malays - rights already enshrined in the constitution.

Ho hum. That is an expression of boredom unto all these, when we know that modern crutches and structures of disabilities of the Malay culture - ultra-nationalistic Youth parties, Biro Tata Negara, cow-head protesters and a myriad others - are still used to make the Malays scared of their own shadow.

Ho hum, when we are presented with the boring story of yet another organisation whose goal is to promote the philosophy of ‘we versus them’ in a country mystified with the slogan ‘1Malaysia’; of being and becoming one in a metaphysical world of blue ocean strategies of shark-eat-shark.

kongsi raya multi cultural celebrationPerkasa is unnecessary, I believe. Malays need to intermingle with other races and learn from each other meaningfully; more than just visiting each other during festive seasons and  putting up banners during Deepa-Raya, Kongsi-Raya or Christmas-Raya or any other ritualistic social gathering American-Thanksgiving style.

Deep and serious dialogue on the arts, humanities, philosophy, and spiritual consciousness is needed in all of us so that we may eliminate fear, battle evil within, stamp out mistrust, and find common ground in the aspects of cultures we can hybridise. Culture is dynamic and contains enabling and disabling aspects. Perkasa represents the disabling aspect of Malay culture, and critical consciousness needs to permeate the psyche of its members.

Neo-Malays (or rather, philosophically framed, cosmotheandric and post-modern Malays) need to stay away from interest groups that continue to misrepresent them. More discussions on how best to move this country forward in all spheres of life should dominate those cafes, warong, teh tarik joints, and other places of hanging out.

Universities and educational institutions need to discuss radical multicultural philosophy a la radical marhaenism to bring future Malaysian leaders together as equal cultural partners in nation-building. We do not want to see in decades to come Malaysian universities offering course such as ‘Hitler-studies in Malaysian context’ or ‘The Rise of Asian Nazism’ to battle the wave of hate-crimes and the rise of Hitlerian thinking.

Mobilising Neo-Malays

But who would lead the radical change in this new Malaysian consciousness? I see two possible groups:

•    Academicians, if they are willing to stick their neck out and challenge the dominant ideology and the ideologues. But they are co-opted and are not free to voice their opinion in fear of retribution.

•    Artists, professionals, theologians, humanists, artisans, students - they are all over the place but the danger is that they are being fragmented by the wave of individualism, postmodernism, and non-committal.

In my flights of fancy, I would call the genesis of a separate radical identity that would set this group free from any political groups yet close to the ideals of a just and virtuous republic governed by transcultural philosophy. It is one that will produce independent ideas of change and writings that will make Malays face history and transform it, leaving behind the vestiges of feudalism and crafting an existentialist Malay history honoring absurd, marginalised, enslaved, and fallen heroes buried alive in modern history textbooks. I have written about this in an article on the new post-tribe ‘Sawojaya’.

The conceptualisation of a new race is difficult for many Malays to accept, especially when dealing with the repertoire of symbolism of Malayness. My vision is a republic of virtue no less, but must begin with us traveling the path of transcendentalist and romanticist idea of Nature and the natural state of human beings. In matter of cosmopolitanism in religious belief, it will take perhaps another half a century for Malays to acquire the taste for engaging in inter-faith dialogue. It is a very difficult task.

One has to be a ‘stranger’ and an ‘outsider’ Malay or an ‘ugly Malay’ in order to excavate the disabling cultures of the Malays. To continue to form support any organisation that has an alliance with the 'powerful and wealthy Malays’ would retard the march for a populist intellectual change.

anti ppsmi rally 070209 samad saidASAS 50, a child of Poejangga Baru and perhaps Lekra, was a very successful movement that also created the radical Malay thinkers of Independence (mainly teachers and writers). Kasim Ahmad, Syed Husin Ali, Tongkat Warrant, Kemala, Usman Awang, Samad Said (left), and even P Ramlee to an extent were foundational in spearheading this movement, inspired perhaps too by the works of Indonesian poets such as Chairil Anwar, WS Rendra, Putu Wijaya, Ajip Rosidi, and writers such as Prem (Pramoedya Ananta Toer) and Muchtar Lubis.

Perkasa might be reduced to a weak force that fails to take off. I would suggest it be disbanded or be funded to teach multi-cultural understanding in kampongs. How much shouting can one make on the streets in support of those who eat too much durian in six-star hotels?

Friday, February 19, 2010

On "Singapore Maths" and world-class education


On "Singapore Maths" and world-class education
A REPUBLIC OF VIRTUE
Azly Rahman


The article below, from The Seattle Times and which was linked to the online publication of the National Educational Association (NEA) should be of interest to Malaysian educators teaching Mathematics.

Costructivism as a paradigm of teaching and learning has been around for quite some time and infused in many a school in the advanced countries. Constructivism is drawn from the work of Socrates, Piaget, and Brain Science theorists. It is essentially Deweyian in philosophy as well..

The superiority of the Singapore education system is something the Singaporeans have worked hard to build.
Essentially the Singapore Malays, arguably have learned the meaning of affirmative action and meritocracy well. The idea of "Mendaki" as a means to help the academically underachieving Malays in the city-state is admirable, perceived from an educational standpoint. Born in Alexander Road Singapore and growing up in Johor Bahru, I have always been fascinated by the way the Singaporeans run their city-state. As a teenager , I spend my weekends roaming the streets of Singapore, fascinated by the buildings, the food stalls, the bargain stores, the movie theaters, and how law is enforced.

Political and historical ego aside, Malaysian educationists must start looking across the causeway to find solutions to the educational system that needs constant improvement.

We have a world-class education system in our neighbour.
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The secret of Schmitz Park Elementary School is Singapore Math

One elementary school in Seattle — Schmitz Park Elementary — bucks the trend toward reform or constructivist math by offering Singapore Math, writes Seattle Times columnist Bruce Ramsey

By Bruce Ramsey

Seattle Times editorial columnist

Related

* Read more columns by Bruce Ramsey

Sally made 500 gingerbread men. She sold 3/4 of them and gave away 2/5 of the remainder. How many did she give away?

This was one of the homework questions in Craig Parsley's fifth-grade class. The kids are showing their answers on the overhead projector. They are in a fun mood, using class nicknames. First up is "Crackle," a boy. The class hears from "Caveman," "Annapurna," "Shortcut" and "Fred," a girl.

Each has drawn a ruler with segments labeled by number — on the problem above, "3/4," "2/5" and "500." Below the ruler is some arithmetic and an answer.

"Who has this as a single mathematical expression? Who has the guts?" Parsley asks. No one, yet — but they will.

This is not the way math is taught in other Seattle public schools. It is Singapore Math, adopted from the Asian city-state whose kids test at the top of the world. Since the 2007-08 year, Singapore Math has been taught at Schmitz Park Elementary in West Seattle — and only there in the district.

In the war over school math — in which a judge recently ordered Seattle Public Schools to redo its choice of high-school math — Schmitz Park is a redoubt or, it hopes, a beachhead. North Beach is a redoubt for Saxon Math, a traditional program. Both schools have permission to be different. The rest of the district's elementary schools use Everyday Math, a curriculum influenced by the constructivist or reform methods.

Reform math is known for several things. Instead of showing kids how to solve a problem, which Singapore Math does, reform math has them work in groups to discover ways to solve it. It wants them to explain how they did it, sometimes using a special vocabulary.

Sabrina Kovacs-Storlie, a supplemental math teacher at Schmitz Park, taught reform math for several years. "It is full of words," she says. "So many words."

Reform math also aims at exposing kids to advanced concepts at an early age. As a result, it jumps around. Kovacs-Storlie opens an Everyday Math book. Here is a lesson on calculating the perimeter of a shape. Next is a lesson about probability.

"It is teaching to exposure," she says. "We are teaching to mastery."

Schmitz Park's curriculum is more like the math parents remember. They came out big for Math Night a few weeks ago. Their PTA pays for the Singapore books — and also for Kovacs-Storlie's salary.

Test results are encouraging. At Schmitz Park, 86 percent of the fifth-graders passed the WASL test in math, compared with 68 percent districtwide. At Schmitz Park, 67 percent passed with a Level 4 (high) result. Seattle schools have different mixes of kids and show a wide variation in math scores. Some schools did better than Schmitz Park. Most did worse.

Curriculum is not the only factor. Another is the enthusiasm of the teachers, which Garrit Kischner, Schmitz Park's principal, says this curriculum has. Being among rebels, and having to prove something, can be invigorating.

The kids sense it, too. One of the girls in Parsley's class says proudly that hers is the only school in Seattle with this math.

Next year, these kids will be at Madison Middle School. They will have the reform math. Kathleen Myers, who teaches sixth-grade math there, says the Schmitz Park kids will do all right. They are very good at solving problems.

Of the Schmitz Park curriculum, she says, "I'm happy with it." Two of her kids are there.

SOURCE: http://seattletimes.nwsource.com/html/opinion/2011097718_bruce17.html?prmid=op_ed

Wednesday, February 10, 2010

Monday, February 08, 2010

Mandela-isation of Anwar Ibrahim

Mandela-isation of Anwar?
by Azly Rahman



"Man proposes, god disposes"
Thomas a Kempis, 'Of The Imitation of Christ'

While America awaits The Super Bowl, Malaysia awaits The Super Trial II this week to listen to the arguments concerning the predicament of Anwar Ibrahim.

Philosophically, what ought to be the shape of things to come? Where do we go from here, as a nation? Where do we wish to bring this nation that is in need of deep reflection on the meaning of nationhood and democracy?

Maturity after Mahathirism


If we take 1998 as a framework in looking at the changes this country is seeing politically, Anwar can be seen as an embodiment of Nelson Mandela.

His spirit did not die for the six years he was jailed and upon his release a momentum was created that grew in strength to first, become institutionalised in the form of a strong Parti Keadilan Rakyat and next, of Pakatan Rakyat.

Divine intervention and human design propelled such changes - the evolution of a one-party Mahathiristic construct to an emerging two-party counter-hegemonic system that is making the current regime fearful and tremble.

Indeed from 1998 to 2010, Malaysians not also saw an evolution of critical sensibility but waves upon waves of loud protests on the streets, in parliament, in cyberspace, and in the minds of Malaysians against the excesses of the Mahathirist-inspired totalitarianism and autocraticism.

Malaysians have matured, in a way. Only the civil servants and those employed and caressed to obedience by the ruling regime have not fully matured in terms of civil libertarianism. Understandably one cannot bite the hands that feed, as the iron hands will pound violently once bitten.

If twelve to fifteen years ago, Malaysians dared not speak of Malay rights, corruption, controlling interests in Barisan Nasional, definition of bumiputera, and the means and methods of thought-control and sword of Damocles of the ruling regime - the situation has dramatically changed.

It is as if the release of Anwar  from his six years of incarceration signify, as postmodernists such as Frederic Jameson would say, a 'rupture' and the 'waning of effect of the ruling totalitarian regime.

The Internet, a Frankenstein of postmodern times and an avatar of chaos and complexity and a protean technology of both democratic and demagogic thinking, aided the Malaysian revolution in thinking.

What is revealed on the Internet becomes a launching pad for real-time street protests and many times too, prosecution of this or that person for corruption and other forms of 'transgressions' done in the name of politics; transgression ala a political version, Tiger Woods-stylised, in which revelations can become ugly, cancerous and financially disastrous.

Anwar Ibrahim has become a rallying point for this new wave of revolution - not merely a reformation in fact - of a new form of consciousness albeit plagued with consistent cluster-bombing and carpet-bombings done by those who wish to stop it on its tracks, Machiavellian-styled.

Challenging obedience

How has the new consciousness eroded the sense of obedience to authority, particularly of the Malays - often considered the most obedient human beings on Earth?

Like those rallying behind Nelson Mandela circa apartheid in South Africa, Malaysians are seeing the Mandela-isation of Anwar Ibrahim particularly his second trial.

It is not Anwar who is on trial - it is the will of Malaysians of all walks of life, ethnic groups, religious conviction, class, and caste, that are on trial. It is the growing urge to come together and dismantle the excesses of race-based politics and the ugly manifestations of greed via political creed that is on trial.

Beginning from the political 'honey-mooning' years of Abdullah Ahmad Badawi and his failure to make reforms to all forms of repressive and intolerable acts right up to this day wherein all's-not-well-ends-not well' is the feature of the present government that is quite certain seeing its demise.

Beginning from the show of arrogance of UMNO particularly to an even worse show of that same arrogance in issues of combating corruption, fixing the judiciary, improving the universities, egalitarian-ising and equilibrium-ising the education system, teaching religious and racial tolerance - Malaysian have seen enough of a breakdown of what once looked like a showcase of 'civil society'.

The rallies, the water cannons, the chemical-laced sprays, the deaths of Altantuya, Kugan, Teoh Beng Hock, and the Perak parliamentary plague - all these are amongst the demonic verses of the narrative of this nation that are inspiring the rise of 'civil disobedience'. "Dissent, is the highest form of patriotism," said the American philosopher-president-statesman Thomas Jefferson - and this is what Malaysians are embodying as a cultural-political philosophy.

Maybe we are seeing the Mandela-isation of Anwar Ibrahim. And we ought to see that as a philosophical global-positioning-system circa the next general election. The coming election will see total rupture after a fierce struggle over the mandate to rule.

Change can be painful, but change must a nation go through. It is through the regimented swallowing of bitter pill can maladies be cured. For too long, especially during the Mahathirist years, Malaysians have been given Prozac and serenaded with feel-good stories of being grateful and not biting the hands that feed to a point of numbness and total obedience, that it takes this country to the verge of destruction for us to wake up and to smell the Napalm in all its morning glory - as our own 'Apocalypse Now'.

It will be an interesting week ahead. May we continue to live in interesting times, as what Chairman Mao Zedong would say. How this weeks' episode will end will depend on how: "Man proposes, God disposes".

Azly Rahman


on facebook: http://www.facebook.com/people/Azly-Rahman/689079971
on twitter: http://twitter.com/azlyrahman
on blog: http://azlyrahman-illuminations.blogspot.com/

Monday, February 01, 2010

Learning from Howard Zinn's historicizing

Learning from Howard Zinn's historicizing
Azly Rahman
Feb 1, 10
12:00pm


"From the start, my teaching was infused with my own history. I would try to be fair to other points of view, but I wanted more than 'objectivity'; I wanted students to leave my classes not just better informed, but more prepared to relinquish the safety of silence, more prepared to speak up, to act against injustice wherever they saw it. This, of course, was a recipe for trouble." - Howard Zinn, American historian par excellence.


On Jan 28, 2010 America mourned the passing on of one of her greatest historians whose 50 years of work pioneered not only the style of historicizing that put the oppressed, marginalized, disposed, victimized, and otherwise losers and forgotten in history - into center-stage and hailed as heroes.


Prof Zinn, an alumni of Columbia University's History Department was a radical educator whose work inspired the Civil Rights movement, left a legacy of looking at history through the lens of critical pedagogy.


Zinn can provide a way Malaysian historians can promote the teaching of Malaysian history.


Inspired by Howard Zinn


I was first introduced to Howard Zinn's work, in the early 1980s through a professor of mine who was a close friend of William Ayers, another radical educator whose work centered around the idea of education for social justice.


As part of a required reading for a graduate course in Education and Democracy, alongside seminal works such as John Dewey's Democracy and Education, Paulo Freire's Pedagogy of the Oppressed, Michael Harrington's Socialism, and a collection of key writings in Marxist theories of education and human liberation, Zinn's work provided a tour de force of American history.


I was introduced to the context of how history ought to also be looked at in relation to how those historied by history ought to be schooled, trained, and most importantly, educated and next, liberated.


I was introduced to the idea of 'a people's history of the United States" and how America was 'founded' as a consequence of the massacre of tens of thousands of Arawak Indians; those massacred a few year after the arrival of Christopher Columbus.


Subsequent epochs saw the wars, as Howard Zinn chronicled, that made America into an empire founded upon the idea that in order to arrive at peace, one must prepare for and wage war.


The war machine that is America progressed well in subsequent centuries with the advancement of technology and the culture of capitalism.


America was not only fuelled by what Marx would call "technological and economic determinism" but also by the experiment in the championing of a strange yet familiar idea of 'democracy'.
Zinn's heroes are the natives, the slaves, the workers, the Civil Rights leaders, and those who oppose war.


America the land of the free and home of the brave has evolved into a powerful military-industrial complex.


Howard Zinn's work became an inspiration in my teachings of The Foundations of Western Civilization and The History of the United States, among the more than 40 course I have taught in seven different departments, particularly in the United States.


Historicizing Malaysia


Malaysia's history is written by those who are paid by the feudal lords or the sultans and the bourgeoisie class who have become an appendage to the modern neo-feudalistic Malay state.


Malaysian history, a basis of the violently disseminated idea of Ketuanan Melayu, as an apology to the idea of economic dominance of the Malay-dominated National Front, favours the powerful and the wealthy as heroes of history.


Tun Sri Lanang, court writer for the Malay Annals or Sejarah Melayu, wove tales of the overblown glory of the Malacca Sultanate with phantasmagoric and avatar-like conception of heroism of Malay warriors with Chinese-sounding names, foremost among them was Hang Tuah, the epitome of a blind-follower of istana/royal court orders; one who can be categorized in sci-fi genre as a Malay drone with android characteristic created out of the need to showcase what idiotic pride means.


The narratives of Malacca was well-preserved and well-transmutated into what is now Malaysian history, claimed as "a body of historical facts" embalmed in Malaysian history textbooks to be devoured by the curious young minds of Malaysians; children whose minds are like filtered funnels ready to accept whatever the State deemed necessary and "Official Knowledge" not to be questioned but to be regurgitated as immutable facts at the end-of-year examinations.


Much of what is happening in Malaysian schools is the teaching of history devoid of critical historicizing let alone the reading of history written from the point of view of 'the people's history of Malaya'.


Missing from the textbooks, are chronicles of the natives enslaved by the feudal lords, narratives of the indentured serfs from China and India, stories of the robbery of land in Sabah and Sarawak, the chronicle of the struggle between the workers and the capitalist class, the real story behind the Communist insurgency, and in recent times the voices of liberation and freedom against the excesses of the modern Malaysian authoritarian state.


History has not been kind to Malaysians. Historians have been kind to the paymasters in history.


In the end, history textbooks not only become a literary graveyard for the losers in the historical march of Capital, but as postmodern blinders - for the closing of the Malaysian mind.

Rest in peace, Howard Zinn. Yes, we cannot be neutral on a moving train.

Lecture: Edward Said

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Lecture: Noam Chomsky

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Lecture: Jacques Derrida

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Lecture: Jean Paul Sartre

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Movie: 1984

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Movie: Animal Farm

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Movie: Chicken Run

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Poems: Rumi

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Dialogue on Religion: Karen Armstrong

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Dailogue on Religion: Huston Smith

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Islam

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Humanism

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Jainism

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Sikkhism

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Hinduism

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Bahai

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Confucianism

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Taoism

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The Bhagavad Gita

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Jesus of Nazareth

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Siddharta Gautama

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Prophet Muhammad (Pbuh)

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